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High
Noon with Dubya Fudd
by
P.M. Carpenter For most viewers, watching George W. Bush on "Meet the Press" was
an hour-long descent into bewilderment and depression, a slack-jawed
mental numbness brought on by wondering how such an inarticulate human
being could occupy the world's most powerful office. And this time,
no one could blame the bad reviews on nasty partisanship. Virtually
everyone with a public voice confessed unease and regret over the president's
soon-infamous performance.
On the morning after, amidst the tele-active fallout of letting George
be George, the usual conservative suspects were unusually candid. Ronald
Reagan's former mouthpiece and now full-time mouth at large, Peggy
Noonan, described Mr. Bush as "unsure" of himself, "repetitive," "disconnected"
and "often bumbling." The New York Times' token neocon David Brooks
felt compelled to answer Tim Russert on behalf of the dazed, stammering
president, and normally unabashed Joe Scarborough, MSNBC's right-wing
attack dog, was visibly embarrassed by W's wind-up shtick. One prominent
Republican strategist joined the critical chorus by calling the televised
ordeal a "big, big stumble" for the White House.
Another strategist did come to the president's defense -- in a rather
curious way. W did what he had to do, that is, "defend himself," said
GOPer Dan Schnur, but "there's no question he's much more comfortable
in front of a large, supportive audience." The necessity for that sort
of poor-dear, protective-mothering comment about a reputedly rugged
"war president" is all too sad.
To
whip out the cliché that once again Bush had a deer-in-the-headlights
demeanor would be an insult to the noble acuity of deer. His tour de
force was that tour de funky. Coherence and consistency were conversational
orphans. He struggled through some answers as though the questions
posed were new territory for him. More commonly, though, he merely
and unsuccessfully struggled to recite empty, pre-scripted sound bites.
The simple and striking upshot was that the man in charge clearly
was not in control -- not of specific facts, the general situation,
or his own words. It is worrisome indeed that after three years in
office a commander in chief can still demonstrate such little respect
for his responsibilities. He can't be bothered with things like preparation.
Yet one of the interview's segments dwarfed even that concern. A Russert
question went to the crucial matter that in the absence of an imminent
Iraqi threat, was the war still justified? After some incomprehensible
meandering -- for example, "This is unaccounted for stockpiles that
you thought [Saddam] had because I don't think America can stand by
and hope for the best from a madman" -- the president reduced his answer
to this: "I believe it is essential that when we see a threat, we deal
with those threats before they become imminent. It's too late if they
become imminent."
Just like that, Mr. Bush superseded his own neocon-junta's revolutionary
foreign policy of preemptive war with the vastly more revolutionary
policy of preventive war. Take heed, world. America no longer needs
to confirm any actual threat to justify bunker-busting, bombings, regime
changes, incursions, invasions -- whatever it likes -- and all of it
launched unapologetically with crappy intelligence.
In short, dear global community, our president may be incapable of
delivering sound bites without retakes, but -- and you'll just have
to take our word for this -- he can be downright uncanny at reading
your mind, your intentions, your soul. In dealing with "threats before
they become imminent," Mr. Bush's re-revised foreign policy, casually
announced on a Sunday talk show, is to shoot first and dismiss questions
later.
On the other hand, perhaps what Bush said on MTP is not a new, new
policy at all. Perhaps he misspoke. Perhaps he was confused. Or perhaps
he knows not the difference between preemptive and preventive war.
Problem is, given his overall level of inarticulateness, how could
we -- or the world -- know?
Bush's
defenders have always argued the president's inability to express
himself with facility in no way inhibits his leadership. It would seem
that argument is wrong, and on some rather profound policy questions.
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