No doubt there is a motivating element of psychological warfare in play when "GOP strategists mull [a] McCain 'blowout.'" But any sober encounter with basic arithmetic and the potential of chronic Democratic troubles soon makes one realize: They could be right; their "mulling" is not all hype.
It began as the unthinkable, then moved to the merely laughable, and within a couple short months has achieved the status of the plausible -- not just a McCain victory, but his besting of Bush's electoral count in 2004.
As The Politico ventured in its reporting, "It sounds crazy at first." But not really. Certainly not any longer -- not after what Democrats have put themselves through this primary season, which has given "crazy" a whole new dimensional entry in the political dictionary.
Here's how one strategist at the Republican National Committee put it, and, I must concede, in rather reasonable terms:
We’re actually sitting pretty well in most states. There are a lot of scenarios that look good for McCain, and I almost would go so far to say that there are a lot more scenarios [than for Obama]. I don’t think anybody over here wants to let themselves get too excited about it. It is an eternity between now and November. But McCain looks a lot stronger than our prospects as a party.
That final phrase -- "stronger than our prospects as a party" -- is a two-edged sword in Republican wargame scenarios, reflecting, as it does, the very real prospect of widespread GOP blood on the floor for its Congressional candidates, but John McCain's survival of the electoral college's national quiltwork.
Said another strategist on this theme:
The broader environment clearly favors the Democrat. [But] a state-by-state analysis actually makes McCain a narrow favorite to win the Electoral College majority. That would certainly run against the grain of history, if he pulled that off. But it’s also clearly plausible and a manageable outcome partly because of John McCain’s strength among independents and partly because of Obama’s weakness in culture, ideology and association.
Merely tinkering with the preexisting electoral map can send chills down the Democratic spine. To wit, as The Politico figured it:
Add Iowa and Colorado to Obama’s side, since both are considered states Obama could pick off. Then count McCain victories in New Hampshire and Michigan, two states where McCain is competitive. In this scenario, McCain wins the Electoral College 291-246, a larger margin than Bush four years ago. If Obama managed only to win Iowa from Republicans and McCain managed only to win Pennsylvania, McCain would still win by a much greater margin than Bush -- 300-237.
Or, if you prefer not to take the GOP's word for it, then ponder the perhaps even sleeker analysis of Democratic pollster Paul Maslin: "We have to hold Michigan and Pennsylvania. McCain wins one of those states, we are in trouble. They have to hold Florida and Ohio or they are in trouble. The truth about this race [is], this is the year that we shouldn’t lose, and we could lose."
So what's the point of all this early analysis, all this angst before the rush?
Merely to point out to the Democratically confident -- those, that is, who see the lingering primary season as a neutral factor or even a plus, not a negative -- that the GOP is not, in the course of completing its successful arithmetic, counting on any "game-changing event."
Quite the opposite. Republican strategists are, rather, mostly counting on Democrats to be themselves.
Which is to say, for Democrats to let the games proceed as they presently are -- most pointedly, that is, for the party's superdelegates to fail to see the "fierce urgency" of nailing down a numerical nominee now.
Of all the Democratic "party's weaknesses" on which the GOP is resting its hopes, disunity tops the list. Yet disunity cannot be ameliorated until the last internal divider is officially bumped from contention. Only then can effective calls for unity go forth, the wounds begin to heal and those splintered precincts begin to close.
In short, superdelegates are pushing their delicate sense of fairness to the party's breaking point. Two months won't be nearly enough time to overcome settled resentments. It's next week -- en masse and with liberating finality -- or never.






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